In the aftermath of Donald Trump’s resounding victory in the US presidential election, a sense of unease ripples through the ranks of center-left leaders worldwide. Though publicly putting on a brave face, privately they grapple with the unsettling realization that the defeated Democratic candidate, Kamala Harris, bears an uncanny resemblance to many of them – a diligent, pragmatic reformer, a measured communicator, and a guardian of the ideological middle ground. In an era where such establishment figures are increasingly viewed with disdain, Harris’ loss raises troubling questions about their own electoral prospects.
For Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer, the parallels hit particularly close to home. A glance at Harris’ campaign promises reveals striking similarities to Starmer’s own agenda:
- Fostering cooperation between unions and businesses
- Stimulating economic growth and job creation
- Streamlining regulations to spur housing construction
- Implementing “tough, smart” border security and immigration reforms
Above all, both positioned themselves as bulwarks against the cruelty and recklessness of their right-wing populist opponents. Yet American voters ultimately rejected Harris’ vision at the ballot box. Starmer must now confront the unsettling possibility that he could meet the same fate, despite the Tories’ current disarray.
Populism’s Allure in Uncertain Times
To be sure, Britain’s political landscape differs from America’s in key respects. The catastrophic failures of Trump’s first term, such as his disastrous pandemic response, seem to have faded from many voters’ memories. In contrast, the Conservatives remain shackled to their abysmal recent governing record.
Yet other disparities are more concerning for Starmer. If he secures a modest economic turnaround, as official projections suggest, will voters even notice or care? After all, the Biden-Harris administration presided over a robust recovery, but failed to reap any political rewards. This points to a breakdown in the long-held centrist belief that measurable progress on bread-and-butter issues is the key to electoral success.
Instead, more and more voters appear drawn to the bombast, tribalism, and pie-in-the-sky promises of right-wing populists. In an age of profound uncertainty and simmering public anger, their in-your-face political style thrives on digital media, drowning out the center-left’s staid calls for gradual reform. Whether stoking fear over looming threats like climate change or promising a return to an idealized past, figures like Trump tap into powerful undercurrents of emotion that a Starmer-like appeal to reason cannot match.
As one senior Labour Party strategist confided:
We’re fighting an uphill battle against this tidal wave of populist rage. Our sensible policy proposals are no match for the social media-fueled outrage machine. It’s like trying to put out a wildfire with a garden hose.
Whispers of Worry in Westminster
Behind closed doors at 10 Downing Street, Starmer and his inner circle are said to be watching the US election fallout with growing trepidation. At a recent cabinet meeting, one minister reportedly warned:
We could be watching a preview of our own future. If we don’t get ahead of this populist wave, we’ll be swept away by it, just like the Democrats were.
Indeed, some Labour insiders fear Starmer risks being cast as an out-of-touch elitist, much like Hillary Clinton in 2016, if he cannot forge a more visceral connection with working-class voters. His wooden public persona and cautious incrementalism, while reassuring to some, threaten to render him irrelevant in an era that rewards shameless political showmanship.
Even the government’s commanding Parliamentary majority provides scant comfort. As one aide put it, “The numbers don’t mean much if you’re seen as defending a despised status quo. Just look at Biden – he had both houses of Congress, but still got bounced after one term.”
Adapting to a Shifting Landscape
As the political terrain shifts beneath their feet, moderate center-left leaders face a stark choice: adapt or risk obsolescence. Some, like Starmer, may take solace in the likelihood that Trump and his ilk will prove just as inept at governing as they are gifted at campaigning. After all, the last populist wave crested and then crashed on the rocks of its own broken promises.
But simply waiting for the storm to pass is a risky gamble. To stay relevant in an age of us-against-them populism, the center-left may need to embrace a more aggressive brand of class-conscious politics, one that speaks directly to voters’ pain and fears. An anonymous Labour MP mused:
Maybe we need a bit of left-wing populism to fight the right-wing version. Less technocratic tinkering, more righteous anger on behalf of the downtrodden. It worked for Biden in 2020 when he tacked left and incorporated ideas from Bernie Sanders.
Whether Starmer and his centrist counterparts are willing or able to execute such an ideological pivot remains to be seen. What is clear is that the political rulebook is being rewritten in real time, with moderates everywhere struggling to find their place in a world that suddenly feels more hospitable to their radical opponents. If they fail to meet the moment with fresh thinking and a new sense of urgency, they risk being cast as defenders of a crumbling order rather than catalysts for true social progress.
As one veteran Labour campaigner put it:
The old Tony Blair playbook doesn’t work anymore. Voters today want authenticity, grit, and a willingness to tear up the script. If we can’t provide that, we’ll keep getting outflanked by the Trumps and Johnsons of the world. It’s time for some new tricks.
With populist upstarts continuing to upend the global political order, center-left leaders everywhere are confronting their own mortality. Whether they can summon the creativity and courage to chart a new course may well determine the future of progressive politics in an increasingly tumultuous world. As they nervously eye the electoral wreckage across the Atlantic, the stakes have never been higher.
Instead, more and more voters appear drawn to the bombast, tribalism, and pie-in-the-sky promises of right-wing populists. In an age of profound uncertainty and simmering public anger, their in-your-face political style thrives on digital media, drowning out the center-left’s staid calls for gradual reform. Whether stoking fear over looming threats like climate change or promising a return to an idealized past, figures like Trump tap into powerful undercurrents of emotion that a Starmer-like appeal to reason cannot match.
As one senior Labour Party strategist confided:
We’re fighting an uphill battle against this tidal wave of populist rage. Our sensible policy proposals are no match for the social media-fueled outrage machine. It’s like trying to put out a wildfire with a garden hose.
Whispers of Worry in Westminster
Behind closed doors at 10 Downing Street, Starmer and his inner circle are said to be watching the US election fallout with growing trepidation. At a recent cabinet meeting, one minister reportedly warned:
We could be watching a preview of our own future. If we don’t get ahead of this populist wave, we’ll be swept away by it, just like the Democrats were.
Indeed, some Labour insiders fear Starmer risks being cast as an out-of-touch elitist, much like Hillary Clinton in 2016, if he cannot forge a more visceral connection with working-class voters. His wooden public persona and cautious incrementalism, while reassuring to some, threaten to render him irrelevant in an era that rewards shameless political showmanship.
Even the government’s commanding Parliamentary majority provides scant comfort. As one aide put it, “The numbers don’t mean much if you’re seen as defending a despised status quo. Just look at Biden – he had both houses of Congress, but still got bounced after one term.”
Adapting to a Shifting Landscape
As the political terrain shifts beneath their feet, moderate center-left leaders face a stark choice: adapt or risk obsolescence. Some, like Starmer, may take solace in the likelihood that Trump and his ilk will prove just as inept at governing as they are gifted at campaigning. After all, the last populist wave crested and then crashed on the rocks of its own broken promises.
But simply waiting for the storm to pass is a risky gamble. To stay relevant in an age of us-against-them populism, the center-left may need to embrace a more aggressive brand of class-conscious politics, one that speaks directly to voters’ pain and fears. An anonymous Labour MP mused:
Maybe we need a bit of left-wing populism to fight the right-wing version. Less technocratic tinkering, more righteous anger on behalf of the downtrodden. It worked for Biden in 2020 when he tacked left and incorporated ideas from Bernie Sanders.
Whether Starmer and his centrist counterparts are willing or able to execute such an ideological pivot remains to be seen. What is clear is that the political rulebook is being rewritten in real time, with moderates everywhere struggling to find their place in a world that suddenly feels more hospitable to their radical opponents. If they fail to meet the moment with fresh thinking and a new sense of urgency, they risk being cast as defenders of a crumbling order rather than catalysts for true social progress.
As one veteran Labour campaigner put it:
The old Tony Blair playbook doesn’t work anymore. Voters today want authenticity, grit, and a willingness to tear up the script. If we can’t provide that, we’ll keep getting outflanked by the Trumps and Johnsons of the world. It’s time for some new tricks.
With populist upstarts continuing to upend the global political order, center-left leaders everywhere are confronting their own mortality. Whether they can summon the creativity and courage to chart a new course may well determine the future of progressive politics in an increasingly tumultuous world. As they nervously eye the electoral wreckage across the Atlantic, the stakes have never been higher.
